So I thought I'd reopen the blog(I dont know if anyone's actully read it recently or if anyone will read this........)
But I found this in an old Civil Air Patrol Manual of mine and I thought I represents the gradual change our world has taken from when this was written in the early 50s and where we are today. This version of the ceremony is no longer in use today because of political correctness and it has been replaced by a much blander version.
(Wait for the Honor Guard or Flag Detail to unravel and fold the flag into a quarter fold--resume reading when Honor Guard is standing ready.)
1. The first fold of our flag is a symbol of life.
2. The second fold is a symbol of our belief in the eternal life.
3. The third fold is made in honor and remembrance of the veteran departing our ranks who gave a portion of life for the defense of our country to attain a peace throughout the world.
4. The fourth fold represents our weaker nature, for as American citizens trusting in God, it is to Him we turn in times of peace as well as in times of war for His divine guidance.
5. The fifth fold is a tribute to our country, for in the words of Stephen Decatur, "Our country, in dealing with other countries, may she always be right; but it is still our country, right or wrong."
6. The sixth fold is for where our hearts lie. It is with our heart that we pledge allegiance to the flag of the United States of America, and to the republic for which it stands, one nation under God, indivisible, with liberty and justice for all.
7. The seventh fold is a tribute to our Armed Forces, for it is through the Armed Forces that we protect our country and our flag against all her enemies, whether they be found within or without the boundaries of our republic.
8. The eighth fold is a tribute to the one who entered in to the valley of the shadow of death, that we might see the light of day, and to honor mother, for whom it flies on Mother's Day.
9. The ninth fold is a tribute to womanhood; for it has been through their faith, love, loyalty and devotion that the character of the men and women who have made this country great have been molded.
10. The tenth fold is a tribute to father, for he, too, has given his sons and daughters for the defense of our country since they were first born.
11. The eleventh fold, in the eyes of a Hebrew citizen, represents the lower portion of the seal of King David and King Solomon, and glorifies, in their eyes, the God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob.
12. The twelfth fold, in the eyes of a Christian citizen, represents an emblem of eternity and glorifies, in their eyes, God the Father, the Son, and Holy Ghost.
When the flag is completely folded, the stars are uppermost, reminding us of our national motto, "In God we Trust."
(Wait for the Honor Guard or Flag Detail to inspect the flag--after the inspection, resume reading.)
After the flag is completely folded and tucked in, it takes on the appearance of a cocked hat, ever reminding us of the soldiers who served under General George Washington and the sailors and marines who served under Captain John Paul Jones who were followed by their comrades and shipmates in the Armed Forces of the United States, preserving for us the rights, privileges, and freedoms we enjoy today.
Monday, March 3, 2008
Monday, December 17, 2007
Thanks!
Dear Everybody,
I got a lovely little card in the mail today with lovely little notes inside! Thanks to all for signing it, and thanks to Mrs. C. for sending it to me. I couldn't get the mail like I normally do, but I had the card delivered to me upon my royal couch. I am doing well, and I think the get well card helped. :)
Bryn
I got a lovely little card in the mail today with lovely little notes inside! Thanks to all for signing it, and thanks to Mrs. C. for sending it to me. I couldn't get the mail like I normally do, but I had the card delivered to me upon my royal couch. I am doing well, and I think the get well card helped. :)
Bryn
Wednesday, December 12, 2007
Holiday
Merry Christmas Everybody
-Idah Saidan Wa Sanah Jadidah
-Boas Festas e Feliz Ano Novo
-Feliz Navidad
-Sretan Bozic
-Vrolijk Kerstfeest en een Gelukkig Nieuwjaar! or Zalig Kerstfeast
-Jutdlime pivdluarit ukiortame pivdluaritlo!
-Cristmas-e-shoma mobarak bashad
-Joyeux Noel
-Nollaig chridheil agus Bliadhna mhath ùr!
-Froehliche Weihnachten
-Kala Christouyenna!
-Mele Kalikimaka
-Mo'adim Lesimkha. Chena tova
-Pozdrevlyayu s prazdnikom Rozhdestva is Novim Godom
-God Jul and (Och) Ett Gott Nytt År
And a Happy New Year
-Idah Saidan Wa Sanah Jadidah
-Boas Festas e Feliz Ano Novo
-Feliz Navidad
-Sretan Bozic
-Vrolijk Kerstfeest en een Gelukkig Nieuwjaar! or Zalig Kerstfeast
-Jutdlime pivdluarit ukiortame pivdluaritlo!
-Cristmas-e-shoma mobarak bashad
-Joyeux Noel
-Nollaig chridheil agus Bliadhna mhath ùr!
-Froehliche Weihnachten
-Kala Christouyenna!
-Mele Kalikimaka
-Mo'adim Lesimkha. Chena tova
-Pozdrevlyayu s prazdnikom Rozhdestva is Novim Godom
-God Jul and (Och) Ett Gott Nytt År
And a Happy New Year
Monday, December 3, 2007
Succession as a Constitutional Right
Ok all, remember when we had that discussion in class about slavery and it ended up as an argument about teh civil war? (lol). Well I have this letterwriten by a man named Robert Toombs who was the Confederate goverment lawyer and also a senator. This letter was writen to the Senate in Washington:
Succession as a Constitutional Right
A Letter By Senator Robert Toombs
These thirteen colonies originally had no bond of union whatever; no more than Jamaica and Australia have to-day. They were wholly separate communities independent of each other, and dependent upon the Crown of Great Britain. All the union between them that was ever made is in writing. They made two written compacts. Senators, the Constitution is a compact. It contains all our obligations and duties of the Federal Government. . . . all the obligations, all the chains that fetter the limbs of my people, are nominated in the bond, and they wisely excluded any conclusion against them, by declaring that the powers not granted by the Constitution to the Untied States, or forbidden by it to the States, belonged to the States respectively or the people. Now I will try it by that standard; I will subject it to that test. The law of nature, the law of justice, would say—and it is so expounded by the publicists—that equal rights in the common property shall be enjoyed . . . . This right of equality being, than, according to justice and natural equity, a right belonging to all States, when did we give it up? You say Congress has a right to pass rules and regulations concerning the Territory and other property of the Untied States. Very well. Does that exclude those whose blood and money paid for it? Does “dispose of” mean to rob the rightful owners? You must show a better title than that, or a better sword than we have.
But, you say, try the right. I agree to it. But how? By your judgment? No, not until the last resort. What then; by yours? No, not until the same time . How then try it? The south has always said it, by the Supreme Court. By that is in our favor, and Lincoln says he will not stand that judgment. Then each must judge for himself of the mode and manner of redress. But you deny us that privilege, and the finally reduce us to accepting your judgment. We decline it. You say you will enforce it by executing laws; that means your judgment of what the laws ought to be. Perhaps you will have a good time executing your judgment. The Senator from Kentucky comes to your aid, and says he can find no constitutional right of secession. Perhaps not; but the Constitution is not the place to look for State rights. If that right belongs to independent States, and they did not cede it to the Federal Government, it is reserved to the States, or to the people. Ask your new commentator where he gets your right to judge for us. Is it in the bond? . . .
. . . In a compact where there is no common arbiter, where the parties finally decide for themselves, the sword alone at last becomes the real, if not the constitutional, arbiter. Your party says that you will not take the decision of the Supreme Court. You said so at Chicago; you said so in the committee; every man of you in both Houses says so. What are you going to do? You say we shall submit to your construction. We shall do it, if you can make us; but not otherwise, or in any other manner. That is settled. You may call it secession, or you may call it revolution; but there is a big fact standing before you, ready to oppose you—that fact is, freemen with arms in their hands. The cry of the Union will not disperse them; we have passed that point; they demand equal rights: you had better heed the demand. . . .
I have, then, established the proposition—it is admitted—that you seek to outlaw $4,000,000,000 of property of our people in the Territories of the Untied States. Is not that a cause of war? Is it a grievance that $4,000,000,000 of the property of the people should be outlawed in the Territories of the Untied States by the common Government? . . . Then you have declared, Lincoln declares, your platform declares, your people declare, your Legislatures declare—there is one voice running through your entire phalanx—that we shall be outlawed in the Territories of the United States. I say we will not be; and we are willing to meet the issue; and rather than submit to such an outlawry, we will defend our territorial rights as we would our household goods. . . . . .
You will not regard Confederate obligations; you will not regard constitutional obligations; you will not regard your oaths. What, then, am I to do? Am I a freeman? Is my State, a free State, to lie down and submit because political fossils raise the cry of glorious Union? Too long already have we listened to this delusive song. We are freemen. We have rights; I have stated them. We have wrongs; I have recounted them. I have demonstrated that the party now coming into power has declared us outlaws, and is determined to exclude four thousand million of our property from the common Territories; that it has declared us under the ban of the Empire, and out of the protection of the laws of the Untied States everywhere. They have refused to protect us from invasion and insurrection by the Federal Power, and the Constitution denies to us in the Union the right either to raise fleets or armies for our own defense. All these charges I have proven by the record; and I put them before a civilized world, and demand the judgment of to-day, or to-morrow, of distant ages, and of Heaven itself, upon the justice of these causes.
So what do you think?
PS. Umm...actually it was a speach...not a letter....
~CalebB
Succession as a Constitutional Right
A Letter By Senator Robert Toombs
These thirteen colonies originally had no bond of union whatever; no more than Jamaica and Australia have to-day. They were wholly separate communities independent of each other, and dependent upon the Crown of Great Britain. All the union between them that was ever made is in writing. They made two written compacts. Senators, the Constitution is a compact. It contains all our obligations and duties of the Federal Government. . . . all the obligations, all the chains that fetter the limbs of my people, are nominated in the bond, and they wisely excluded any conclusion against them, by declaring that the powers not granted by the Constitution to the Untied States, or forbidden by it to the States, belonged to the States respectively or the people. Now I will try it by that standard; I will subject it to that test. The law of nature, the law of justice, would say—and it is so expounded by the publicists—that equal rights in the common property shall be enjoyed . . . . This right of equality being, than, according to justice and natural equity, a right belonging to all States, when did we give it up? You say Congress has a right to pass rules and regulations concerning the Territory and other property of the Untied States. Very well. Does that exclude those whose blood and money paid for it? Does “dispose of” mean to rob the rightful owners? You must show a better title than that, or a better sword than we have.
But, you say, try the right. I agree to it. But how? By your judgment? No, not until the last resort. What then; by yours? No, not until the same time . How then try it? The south has always said it, by the Supreme Court. By that is in our favor, and Lincoln says he will not stand that judgment. Then each must judge for himself of the mode and manner of redress. But you deny us that privilege, and the finally reduce us to accepting your judgment. We decline it. You say you will enforce it by executing laws; that means your judgment of what the laws ought to be. Perhaps you will have a good time executing your judgment. The Senator from Kentucky comes to your aid, and says he can find no constitutional right of secession. Perhaps not; but the Constitution is not the place to look for State rights. If that right belongs to independent States, and they did not cede it to the Federal Government, it is reserved to the States, or to the people. Ask your new commentator where he gets your right to judge for us. Is it in the bond? . . .
. . . In a compact where there is no common arbiter, where the parties finally decide for themselves, the sword alone at last becomes the real, if not the constitutional, arbiter. Your party says that you will not take the decision of the Supreme Court. You said so at Chicago; you said so in the committee; every man of you in both Houses says so. What are you going to do? You say we shall submit to your construction. We shall do it, if you can make us; but not otherwise, or in any other manner. That is settled. You may call it secession, or you may call it revolution; but there is a big fact standing before you, ready to oppose you—that fact is, freemen with arms in their hands. The cry of the Union will not disperse them; we have passed that point; they demand equal rights: you had better heed the demand. . . .
I have, then, established the proposition—it is admitted—that you seek to outlaw $4,000,000,000 of property of our people in the Territories of the Untied States. Is not that a cause of war? Is it a grievance that $4,000,000,000 of the property of the people should be outlawed in the Territories of the Untied States by the common Government? . . . Then you have declared, Lincoln declares, your platform declares, your people declare, your Legislatures declare—there is one voice running through your entire phalanx—that we shall be outlawed in the Territories of the United States. I say we will not be; and we are willing to meet the issue; and rather than submit to such an outlawry, we will defend our territorial rights as we would our household goods. . . . . .
You will not regard Confederate obligations; you will not regard constitutional obligations; you will not regard your oaths. What, then, am I to do? Am I a freeman? Is my State, a free State, to lie down and submit because political fossils raise the cry of glorious Union? Too long already have we listened to this delusive song. We are freemen. We have rights; I have stated them. We have wrongs; I have recounted them. I have demonstrated that the party now coming into power has declared us outlaws, and is determined to exclude four thousand million of our property from the common Territories; that it has declared us under the ban of the Empire, and out of the protection of the laws of the Untied States everywhere. They have refused to protect us from invasion and insurrection by the Federal Power, and the Constitution denies to us in the Union the right either to raise fleets or armies for our own defense. All these charges I have proven by the record; and I put them before a civilized world, and demand the judgment of to-day, or to-morrow, of distant ages, and of Heaven itself, upon the justice of these causes.
So what do you think?
PS. Umm...actually it was a speach...not a letter....
~CalebB
Tuesday, November 20, 2007
Sunday, November 11, 2007
Deism
In today's sermon the pastor talked about faith, and in what we put our faith. He said "faith in faith demands things from God, whereas faith in God hopes in God." This was interesting to hear outside of Gileskirk, especially since Dr. Grant talked about it a few lectures ago. I'm not going to write much more, because I want you to think thing about it for yourself, but it's interesting to me that faith in faith wants an immediate answer, yet faith in God sometimes takes a while for God's timing to be right. So, what would you rather have: instant gratification in whatever faith we want to have faith in, or God's perfect will that exceeds our expectation in His never erring timing?
-Bryn
-Bryn
Saturday, November 3, 2007
A thought...
I was just thinking about the following quote...
~Happiness is like perfume...you can't give it away without getting a little on youself~
Now, this calls for class participation...in the comments you leave, answer this question... Do you think this is true? I think the secret to answering this question is found by the way you define happiness... Just something to think about...
Oh, one more thing...what about this acronym...
Busy... B.eing U.nder S.atan's Y.oke Lemme know your thoughts.
~Curran
~Happiness is like perfume...you can't give it away without getting a little on youself~
Now, this calls for class participation...in the comments you leave, answer this question... Do you think this is true? I think the secret to answering this question is found by the way you define happiness... Just something to think about...
Oh, one more thing...what about this acronym...
Busy... B.eing U.nder S.atan's Y.oke Lemme know your thoughts.
~Curran
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